The No-Law Zone Expands
Many of you will want to review the events of November 25 - 27, 2007 to better understand this post: (you can click the label Val-d'Oise below for all the articles). That November ended in an orgy of violence in the city of Villiers-le-Bel, when two teens were killed during a police chase. They had stolen a motorbike and in their flight crashed into a police car. Their deaths triggered two days of extreme violence:
"(...) unprecedented violence" according to the prosecutor's report. Eighty policemen were injured during the riots, escaping death often by a hair. Earlier this year, ten youths who threw rocks at the police were sentenced to jail terms of up to three years. Four others: Adama K., 29, his brother Abou, 28, Ibrahim S., 25, and Maka K., 22 have just been tried and convicted for the attempted murder of police officers. A fifth man, Samuel L., 24, was accused of having furnished them with a pump-action shotgun.
The policemen implicated in the deaths of the two teens, Mohsin and Lakamy, were not put on trial, a decision that is being appealed. (Source: Le Parisien)
An article dated July 3, 2010 in Le Parisien relates the outcome of the trial:
The criminal court of Val-d'Oise (photo above) convicted the five men accused of shooting at police officers during the Villiers-le-Bel riots to jail terms ranging from three to fifteen years. The verdict came at 2:15 a.m. after six hours and fifteen minutes of deliberation.
The decision was greeted by shouts and tears from the families, in an extremely tense atmosphere. Emotions were palpable tonight in the waiting rooms and outside the courthouse. By 3:30 a.m. no major incident had been reported and calm was restored.
Abou Kamara received a sentence of fifteen years for shooting at policemen during the riots; his brother Adama Kamara received a twelve year sentence. Both men had been designated as the leaders of the attacks. The prosecution had asked for twenty years. Ibrahim Sow was convicted to nine years in prison and Maka Kante, 23, to three for carrying a 4th category weapon. The prosecution had asked for fifteen years for both men. Samuel Lambalamba, 24, received three years for furnishing a pump-action shotgun, instead of the seven requested by the prosecution.
The defense had demanded an acquittal, knowing it would not be granted. Morad Falek, Abou Kamara's attorney, said: "I expected this. A verdict must be respected, but I cannot accept this. I can't help feeling that there was a special context in this case", referring to statements made by Nicolas Sarkozy after the riots. Michel Konitz, Adama Kamara's attorney said: "I'm disappointed. This was indeed a trial of the ghettoes. The whole case rested on anonymous testimonies that aimed to show that in Villiers-le-Bel you cannot speak. It's a vicious circle."
The article goes on to describe the anger of the defense lawyers over the fact that the identities of the witnesses were kept secret, hence nothing could be proven. They also denounced the payments made to the witnesses:
"Civic duty is incompatible with money. A civic action is not reimbursed," insisted Gaelle Dumond, Maka Kanté's lawyer.
Here is the surprisingly honest account of the first day of the trial published by Le Monde, a paper known for its subservience to "official thought":
(...)The public was split in two. To the left, upon entering, were men in suits or in uniforms, all of them white, with one exception. They were the plaintiffs and the witnesses, the victims of the riots of November 25 and 26, 2007. The first day of the rioting, 656 police had intervened; 52 were injured, including 26 who had been hit by bullets (...) The second day, 680 police were on the scene; 81 were injured, 54 from firearms.
To the right, except for journalists, the public was entirely black, like the five defendants. The room was too small, even the witnesses could not get in. During the recesses, some people gave their seats to others. For the defense, the conditions necessary for a "normal trial" were not fulfilled. Who would be escorted out? (...) In the end, the public was admitted by turns, after being screened by the riot police. (...)
Le Monde also points to the anger of the defense at the idea that in order to get testimony from witnesses, both anonymity and monetary compensation were granted.
Note: In all fairness I should point out that the readers' responses to the article are quite negative. They see the racial make-up of the courtroom that day as being different from the way Le Monde describes it. The photo below seems to justify their criticism, although the photo is not full size, so we cannot be certain. The right side appears to be all white, not all black as stated, but they could be the journalists alluded to in the article.
H/T: Yves Daoudal
Writer and social critic Renaud Camus posted his thoughts on this trial. As I have done before I use the simple word "we", where Camus uses the name of his party - "le parti de l'In-nocence":
(We) believe that with the on-going trials of those who committed acts of violence in Villiers-le-Bel, including real gunshots fired at several police officers, and with the state of total paralysis of a Justice system faced with one terrified witness after another refusing to testify, we have entered officially into the no-law ("non-droit") zone, a condition to which many sections of our territory are already subjected.
Note: "Lawlessness" is often used as a translation for "non-droit" which means "no law", but the French term also implies that the citizens have "no rights" while the foreigners have rights. So in reality, the law of the foreigner reigns, since the French police cannot enter these zones.
The "diversity" so loudly lauded is showing its true face in this situation. It has exposed its matchless aptitude for blocking the functioning of institutions established by a social contract, a contract which, from all evidence, has been blown to bits, as it confronts populations that are radically recalcitrant towards the minimum political pact as the West conceives it. This is easily understood when one looks at their countries of origin that are inevitably dictatorships.
In such a context, the notions of good and evil, of rights and no-rights, of respect and lack of respect for the law are totally stripped of meaning when confronted with the realities, demands, interdictions and fundamental solidarity of ethnic and cultural loyalties. (...)
Below, the motor bike that the two youths were riding when they smashed up.
Reminder: The same weekend of November 25-26, 2007, saw the brutal slaying of Anne-Lorraine Schmitt, a young Catholic girl who found herself alone in a subway car with a Turk armed with a knife. It was Sunday morning, and she was on her way to church.